W.E.B. DuBois: Negro Voters Face 1956

Negro Voters Face 1956

by W.E.B. Du Bois

THERE will be in 1956 about nine million persons of Negro descent 21 years of age and over, of whom two-thirds live in the South. Only between one-half and two-thirds of the American voting population go to the polls; and in the South most Negroes are still disfranchised, despite recent increases in the number of Negro voters. We may guess therefore that in 1952about three million Negroes will vote. This will be roughly five percent of the votes cast. But in certain urban areas like New York City and Chicago, the Negro vote reaches ten percent or more. This vote therefore, while not proportionally large, will be influential for the future of the nation. How will it be cast?

Negro vote

Before the election of 1912, it was cast as a block for the Republicans as the party of Lincoln and emancipation. But in the South the Negro vote was not counted and in the North it was not courted but taken for granted; so the Negro got less and less attention from the Republican Party and was slowly disfranchised in its councils. In the election of 1912, Woodrow Wilson, although a Southerner, promised Negroes to see "justice done to the colored people in every matter; and not mere drudging justice, but justice executed with liberality and cordial good feeling." More Negroes voted Democratic in 1912 than ever before. But Southern influence made it difficult for Wilson to fulfill this promise, even if he had continued to want to. This and the landing of our marines in Haiti forced the Negro vote in 1916 back into the Republican ranks.

W.E.B. DuBois

The first World War and the rumor of Harding’s Negro descent led the Negroes to support Harding and Coolidge, and agitate for freedom in Haiti. But the election of 1928 threw the Negro into confusion bordering on despair. It was a curious situation. Al Smith, the Democratic candidate, was handicapped enough by his religion not to dare risk alienating the Sough on the Negro problem. Herbert Hoover disliked all colored peoples and wooed the South by support of the "Lily Whites" in the Southern Republican ranks. Both parties ignored or maligned the Negro. Negro leaders of every alignment from Tuskegee ot the NAACP complained bitterly in a nation-wide appeal:

The emphasis of racial contempt and hatred which was made in this campaign is an appeal to the lowest and most primitive of human motives, and as long as this appeal can successfully be made, there is for this land no real peace, no sincere religion, no national unity, no social progress, even in matters far removed from racial controversy.

We are asking, therefore, in this appeal, for a public repudiation of this campaign of racial hatred. Silence and whispering in this case are worse than in matters of personal character and religion. Will white America make no protest? Will the candidates continue to remain silent? Will the Church say nothing? Is there in truth any issue in this campaign, either religious tolerance, liquor, water-power, tariff or farm relief, that touches in weight the transcendent and fundamental question of the open, loyal and unchallenged recognition of the essential humanity of twelve million Americans who happen to be dark-skinned?

WITH the New Deal the tide turned. During the depression the Negro suffered discrimination, but new measures were developed, until never before in America had he been so recognized as an integral part of the nation. His vote from 1932 to 1944 went with increasing unanimity to the Roosevelt Democrats. In 1948 Truman held the Negro vote because of his promises following the recommendations of his Commission on Civil Rights, headed by C. E. Wilson and including two prominent colored members. The Progressive Party under Wallace attracted a large number of intelligent Negroes who distrusted Truman. But the rising anti-Communist hysteria induced most Negroes to vote for Truman as the heir to Roosevelt.

Eisenhower and Nixon

In 1952, the red-baiting and witch-hunting frightened the Negro voter more and more. already Negroes were losing hard-earned jobs on accusation of "subversive associations." The intellectual leaders of the Negroes were yielding place to a new bourgeoisie whose object was to make close alliance with Big Business. The Negro newspapers, either for fear of reprisal or for money, almost unanimously supported Eisenhower, avoided an unknown and silent Stevenson, and refused any third-party connections. Probably nine-tenths of the Negro vote went to Eisenhower.

The most spectacular occurrence during the Eisenhower administration has been the school anti-segregation opinion of the Supreme Court. This was hardly a Republican measure, since seven of the justices were appointed by Democratic presidents and only two by Republican. Indeed it is doubtful if Eisenhower with his Southern birth and political ites to the South welcomed this unexpected decision. He has never hailed the decision and his administration has done nothing to carry it out.

Eisenhower and Nixon

The Eisenhower administration has allied itself with the South in doing nothing to enforce rights for Negroes and little to force a Fair Employment program except Nixon’s phony meeting. The Attorney General and FBI have made no effective move in the outrageous Till murder, on Mississippi lawlessness, or on the open threats of nullification of federal law by demagogues like Eastland. The Department of Justice has hounded organizations like the Council on African Affairs out of existence, has driven West Indian Negroes out of the country when possible.

Eisenhower has made two major Negro appointments to office, but also has dismissed Horne from his position of power in federal housing. Eisenhower has pleased Negroes by entertaining socially three Negro heads of governments; but Dulles, with the President’s acquiescence, has been contemptuous of colored peoples like the Chinese; has let Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. ignore dark Krishna Menon, and has ruined our ties with Nehru and India. Segregation of Negroes in the army has lessened under Eisenhower, but slowly and with many bad results. Moreover, the high taxation of the Eisenhower administration falls with crushing force on Negroes, nearly a quarter of whose families get less than a thousand dollars a year.

FINALLY, the American attitude toward Russia smarts. There are few Negro Communists and not many more Socialists. Only a few Negro scholars and labor leaders realize the surge of socialism and most of these dare not risk their jobs by talking frankly. Negroes by and large have been firmly grounded in individual initiative and private profit. That was the meaning of Booker Washington and his crusade, and of the powerful white forces behind him. But Negroes who hear of the lack of color prejudice in the Soviet Union are deeply impressed. Few whites in America realize that the thing which daily hurts in Negro experience more than disfranchisement or exclusion from social clubs is the hundred daily insults which a dark skin brings on the innocent and unassuming on the streets of every American city from New Orleans to Boston.

W.E.B. DuBois

I remember once hearing a brown girl--a college graduate--say of Paris: "The thing I like here is going out in the morning without having to plan where I’ll be able to get lunch!" Common decency on the street is what the Negro craves and he cannot think that the nation which grants this without question is such a threat to civilization. Negroes are tired of hearing their bribed emissaries testify abroad that the race problem in America is "settled"! One black American who tried that fairy tale in India, where plenty of dark folk have had personal experience in the United States, was nearly mobbed. Frankly, Negroes are tired of fighting for "their country." They do not willingly sing, "My country, ’tis of thee!" Increasing numbers are beginning to question if there may not be more to socialism and communism than the newspapers print.

For these reasons and unless the very busy Attorney General and the liars hired by the FBI can find some way to punish murder in Mississippi, the Negro voter will not be attracted to Republicans in 1956.

Eisenhower and Nixon

But if he does not vote for Eisenhower, Tricky Dick, or Chiang Kai Knowland, for whom can he vote? Stevenson unfortunately has learned nothing about the race problem since the day of his grandfather. The pictures of him and Georgia’s Talmadge do not attract Negroes. Kefauver is coy, and Harriman much too eager. There is no third party. The ADA can protest everything except the things which hurt fifteen million black folk. There is one thing which both the black and white voter can do next November, and that is to stay at home, just as forty million Americans usually do.

Du Bois

But the day must come, if not in 1956, then some time in 1960 or 1964, when the American people get tired of spending most of their government funds on war and insist on education and homes; when they will refuse to be stampeded by fear into crime and insanity, and choose the rule of a third party instead of supporting one party with two faces which are exactly alike.

Mississippi Circumvents the US Constitution

From the University of Richmond's History Engine, "Jim Crows to the Senate-a White Mississippians' Defense of Supremacy": On December 31, 1890, Senator James Z. George (D. Miss), a man Dunbar Rowland calls a life-long resident of Carroll County, began his overwhelmingly convincing speech on the Senate Floor defending the newly written Mississippi Constitution. The new constitution, according to Rowland's 1902 reflections, was drafted in order to eliminate ignorance at the ballot box, and Senator George's defense was apparently very insightful; he displayed a more intimate knowledge of the constitutions of Massachusetts, Vermont and Connecticut than did the Senators who represented those states, and the speech itself has been called one of the great constitutional law speeches of the Senate. Indeed, the principles that the man from Carroll laid out in his speech were subsequently validated by the United States Supreme Court in Williams v. Mississippi, 1898.

Two of the 1890 Mississippi Constitution's 285 main sections which George defended, however, have now earned historical renown: Sec. 243 establishing a uniform poll tax of two dollars, to be used in aid of the common schools, and for no other purpose, and Sec. 244 establishing a literacy test consisting of being able to read, understand, and interpret any section of the new Constitution. Although these two sections do not explicitly disenfranchise blacks and the provisions of the constitution of the State of Mississippi and the laws enacted to enforce them [were found in Williams v. Mississippi not to be] repugnant to the Fourteenth [and Fifteenth] Amendment of the Constitution of the United States, the result was undoubtedly lopsided. According to William Alexander Mabry, the educational test if administered honestly [disenfranchised] about 123,334 Negroes and only 11,889 whites, leaving a white voting majority of more than 40,000 in the state instead of the existing 70,000 potential Negro majority, not to mention the fact that the Negro majority was already being repressed by bloodshed, bribery, [and] ballot stuffing.

Unfortunately, contrary to some of the official defenses of the 1890 constitution, including Senator George's, the result of disenfranchising a great number of blacks was intentional. As Rowland stated, the 1875 White Revolution in Mississippi and the subsequent years of intimidation of blacks leading up to the 1890 convention were carried out under the belief that the negro has proven himself unworthy of suffrage, and it should be taken from him. Even future early twentieth century Mississippi Governor James Kimble Vardaman noted, according to an online PBS history of Jim Crow, that there is no use to equivocate or lie about the matter.

Mississippi's constitutional convention was held for no other purpose than to eliminate the nigger from politics; not the ignorant -- but the nigger. James George had fought since 1875 for this very purpose, and, despite claims of eliminating ignorance, it was in fact racial discrimination he defended before the U.S. Senate.

Although the man from Carroll County's humble beginnings had earned him the nickname the Great Commoner, and his work in the United States Senate was valuable in aiding education and civil service reform as well as being instrumental in shaping the Sherman Antitrust Law, his staunch defense of the Mississippi Constitution of 1890 left a darker legacy to the South. While he was very likely only a product of his time and environment, as well as a much larger underlying racial problem in the South and indeed the entire country, Senator James Z. George's rousing speech left what would become a permanent stain not only on the man from Carroll, but also on the entire South and United Sates as a whole, as it justified before Congress the Jim Crow system of de jure racial segregation and subjugation.

Political Independence of the Negro by T. Thomas Fortune , 1884

"Political Independence of the Negro," by T. Thomas Fortune, 1884

In addressing myself to a consideration of the subject: "The colored man as an Independent Force in our Politics," I come at once to one of the vital principles underlying American citizenship and the citizenship of the colored man in a peculiar manner. Upon this question hang all the conditions of man as a free moral agent, as an intelligent reasoning being; as a man thoughtful for the best interests of his country, of his individual interests, and of the interests of those who must take up the work of republican government when the present generation has passed away. When I say that this question is of a most complex and perplexing nature, I only assert what is known of all men.

T. Thomas Fortune, born a slave in Florida

I would not for get that the arguments for and against independent action on our part are based upon two parties of sets of principles. Principles are inherent in government by the people, and parties are engines created by the people through which to voice the principles they espouse. Parties have divided on one line in this country from the beginning of our national existence to the present time. All other issues merge into two distinct ones — the question of a strong Federal Government, as enunciated by Alexander Hamilton, and maintained by the present Republican party, and the question of the rights and powers of the States, as enunciated by Thomas Jefferson, and as maintained by the present Democratic party, — call the "party of the people," but in fact the party of oligarchy, bloodshed, violence and oppression. The Republican party won its first great victory on the inherent weakness of the Democratic party on the question of Human Rights and the right of the Federal Government to protect itself from the assumption, the aggression, the attempted usurpation, of the States and it has maintained its supremacy for so long a time as to lead to the supposition that it will rule until such time as it shall fall to pieces of itself because of internal decay and exterior cancers. There does not appear to exist sufficient vitality outside of the Republican party to keep its members loyal to the people or honest to the government. The loyal legislation which would be occasioned by dread of loss of power, and the administration of the government in the most economical form, are wanting, because of the absence of an honest, healthy opposing party.

But it is not my purpose to dwell upon the mechanism of parties but rather to show why colored Americans should be independent voters, independent citizens, independent men. To this end I am led to lay it down: (1.) That an independent voter must be intelligent, must comprehend the science of government, and be versed in the history of governments and of men; (2.) That an independent voter must be not only a citizen versed in government, but on loyal to his country, and generous and forbearing with his fellow-citizens, not looking always to the word and the act, but looking sometimes to the undercurrent which actuates these — to the presence of immediate interest, which is always strong in human nature, to the love of race, and to the love of section, which comes next to the love of country.

First Vote

Our country is great not only in mineral and cereal resources, in numbers, and in accumulated wealth, but great in extent of territory, and in multiplicity of interests, out-growing from peculiarities of locality, race, and education of the people. Thus the people of the North and East and West are given to farming, manufacturing, and speculation, making politics a subordinate, not a leading interest; they are consequently wealthy, thrifty and contented: while the people of the South, still in the shadow of defeat in the bloodiest and most tremendous conflict since the Napoleonic wars, are divided sharply into two classes, and given almost exclusively to the pursuits of agriculture and hatred of one another. The existence of this state of things is most disastrous in its nature, and deplorable in its results. It is a barrier against the progress of that section and alien to the spirit and subversive of the principles of our free institutions.

African Americans voting before their widespread disenfranchisement

It is in the South that the largest number of our people live; it is there that they encounter the greatest hardships; it is there the problem of their future usefulness as American citizens must have full and satisfactory, or disastrous and disheartening demonstration. Consequently, the colored statesman and the colored editor must turn their attention to the South and make that a field the center of speculation, education and practical application. We all understand the conditions of society in the section and the causes which have produced them, and, while not forgetting the causes, it is a common purpose to alter the existing conditions, so that they may conform to the logic of the great Rebellion and the spirit and letter of the Federal Constitution. It is not surprising, therefore, that, as a humble worker in the interest of my race and the common good, I have decided views as to the course best to be pursued by our people in that section, and the fruits likely to spring from a consistent advocacy of such views.

"Is This a Republican form of government?", Harper's Weekly, September 2, 1876
by Thomas Nast

I may stand alone in the opinion that the best interests of the race and the best interests of the country will be conserved by building up a bond of union between the white people and the Negroes of the South — advocating the doctrine that the interests of the white and the interests of the colored people are one and the same; that the legislation which affects the one will affect the other; that the good which comes to the one should come to the other and, and that, as one people, the evils which blight the hopes of the one blight the hopes of the other; I say, I may stand alone among colored men in the belief that harmony of sentiment between the blacks and whites of the country, in so far forth as it tends to honest division and healthy opposition, is natural and necessary, but I speak that which is a conviction as strong as the Stalwart idea of diversity between Black and White, which has so crystallized the opinion of the race.

It is not safe in a republican form of government that clannishness should exist, either by compulsory or voluntary reason; it is not good for the government, it is not good for the individual. A government like ours some and natural, but upon the fundamental idea incorporated in the Declaration of Independence and re-affirmed in the Federal Constitution the utmost unanimity should prevail. That all men are born equal, so far as the benefits of government extend; that each and every man is justly entitled to the enjoyment of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, so long as these benign benefits be not forfeited by infraction upon the rights of others; that freedom of thought and unmolested expression of honest conviction and the right to make these effective through the sacred medium of a fair vote and an honest count, are God-given and not to be curtailed — these are the foundations of republican government; these are the foundations of our institutions; these are the birthright of every American citizen’ these are the guarantees which make men free and independent and great.

US Voter Intimidation

The colored man must rise to a full conception of his citizenship before he can make his citizenship effective. It is a fatality to create or foster clannishness in a government like ours. Assimilation of sentiment must be the property of the German, the Irish, the English, the Anglo-African, and all other racial elements that contribute to the formation of the American type of citizen. The moment you create a case standard, the moment you recognize the existence of such, that moment republican government stands beneath the sword of Damocles, the vitality of its being becomes vitiated and endangered. If this be true, the American people have grave cause for apprehension.

March 23, 1867: In this commentary on President Andrew Johnson's veto of the military government bill, Nast portrays the scales of justice favoring the South and the Confederate Army

.

The Anglo-African element of our population is classed off by popular sentiment, and kept so. It is for the thoughtful, the honest, the clam but resolute men of the race to mould the sentiment of the masses, lift them up into the broad sunlight of freedom. Ignorance, superstition, prejudice, and intolerance are elements in our nature born of the malign institution of servitude. No fiat of government can eradicate these. As they were the slow growth, the gradual development of long years of inhuman conditions. Let us recognize these facts as facts, and labor honestly to supplant them with more wholesome, more cheering realities. The Independent colored man, like the Independent white man, is an American citizen who does his own thinking. When someone else thinks for him he ceases to be an intelligent citizen and becomes a dangerous dupe — dangerous to himself, dangerous to the State.

"One Less Vote." The Fourteenth Amendment, granting black men the right to vote, was ratified in July 1868. Every black vote became a threat to white Southerners' political power. The stone reads, "Negroe Killed, Seymour Ratification, KKK."

It is not to be expected now that the colored voters will continue to maintain that unanimity of idea and action characteristic of them when the legislative halls of States resounded with the clamor of law-makers of their creation, and when their breath flooded or depleted State treasuries. The conditions are different now. They find themselves citizens without a voice in the shapement of legislation; tax-payers without representation; men without leadership masterful enough to force respect from inferior numbers in some States, or to hold the balance of power in others. They find themselves at the mercy of a relentless public opinion which tolerates but does not respect their existence as a voting force; but which, on the contrary, while recognizing their right to the free exercise of the suffrage, forbids such exercise at the point of the shotgun of the assassin, who it not only nerves but shields in the perpetration of his lawless and infamous crimes.

October 24, 1874: The organized violence of the Ku Klux Klan and the White League made life "worse than slavery" for Southern blacks

And why is this? Why is it that the one hundred and twenty thousand black voters of South Carolina allow the eight thousand white voters of that State to grind the life out of them by laws more odious, more infamous, more tyrannical and subversive of manhood than any which depopulate the governments of the old world? Is it because the white man is the created viceregent of government? The Scriptures affirm that all are sprung affirm that all are sprung from on parental stem. It is because he is the constitutionally invested oligarch of government? The Magna Chart of our liberties affirms that "all men are created equal." Is it because the law of the land reserves unto him the dominance of power? The preamble of the Federal Constitution declares that "We" and not "I," constituted "the people of the United States."

If the law of God and the law of man agree in the equality of right of man, explain to me the cause which keeps a superior force in subjection to a minority. Look to the misgovernment of the Reconstruction period for the answer — misgovernment by white men and black men who were lifted into a "little brief authority" by a might but unwieldy voting force. That black man who connived at and share in the corruption in the South which resulted in the subversion of the majority rule, is a traitor to his race and his country, wherever he may now be eking out a precarious and inglorious existence, and I have nothing to heap upon Arnold he should seek a garret in the desert of population, living unnoticed, and without respect, where he might die without arousing the contempt of his people.

Negrophobic (anti-black) Propaganda

The love of Liberty carries with it the courage to preserve it from encroachments from without and from contempt from within. A people in whom the love of Liberty is in-born cannot be enslaved, though they may be exterminated by superior force and intelligence, as in the case of the poor Indian of our own land — a people who, two hundred years ago, spread their untamed hordes from the icebergs of Main to the balmy sunland of Florida. But today where are they? Their love of freedom and valorous defense of priority of ownership of our domain have caused them to be swept from the face of the earth. Had they possessed intelligence with their more than Spartan courage, the wave of extermination could never have rolled over them forever. As a man I admire the unconquerable heroism and fortitude of the Indian. So brave a race of people were worthy a nobler and a happier destiny. As an American citizen, I feel it born in my nature to share the fullest measure all that is American. I sympathize in all the hopes, aspirations and fruitations of my country.

August 5, 1865: Columbia's sympathetic gesture towards a wounded black soldier is a reply to a previous panel in which Southern landowners ask her forgiveness. Columbia asks, "Shall I Trust These Men, and Not This Man?"

There is no pulsation in the animated frame of my native land which does not thrill my nature. There is no height of glory we may reach as a government in which I should not feel my self individually lifted; and there is no depth of degradation to which we may fall to which I should not fell myself individually dragged. In a word, I am an American citizen. I have a heritage in each and every provision incorporated in the Constitution of my country, and should this heritage be attempted to be filched from me by any man or body of men, I should deem the provocation sufficiently grievous to stake even life in defense of it. I would plant every colored man in this country on a platform of this nature — to think for himself, to speak for himself, to act for himself. This is the ideal citizen of an ideal government such as ours is modeled to become. This is my conception of the colored man as an independent force in our politics. To aid in lifting our people to this standard, is one of the missions which I have mapped out for my life-work. I may be sowing the see that will ripen into disastrous results, but I don’t think so. My conception of republican government does not lead me to a conclusion so inconsistent with my hopes, my love of my country and of my race.

I look upon my race in the South and I see that they are helplessly at the mercy of a popular prejudice outgrowing from a previous condition of servitude; I find them clothed in the garments of citizenship by the Federal Government and opposed in the enjoyment of it by their equals, not their superiors, in the benefits of government; I find that the government which conferred the right of citizenship is powerless, or indisposed, to force respect for its own enactments; I find that these people, left to the mercy of their enemies, alone and defenseless, and without judicious leadership, are urged to preserve themselves loyal to the men and to the party which have shown themselves unable to extend to them substantial protection; I find that these people, alone in their struggles of doubt and of prejudice, are surrounded by a public opinion powerful to create and powerful to destroy; I find them poor in culture and poor in worldly substance, and dependent for the bread they eat upon those they antagonize politically.

1880 Election Map

As a consequence, though having magnificent majorities, they have no voice in shaping the legislation which is too often made an engine to oppress them; though performing the greatest amount of labor, they suffer from overwork and insufficient remuneration; though having the greater number of children, the facilities of education are not as ample or as good as those provide for the whites out of the common fund, no have they means to supply from private avenues the benefits of education denied them by the State. Now, what is the solution of this manifold and grievous state of things? Will it come by standing solidly opposed to the sentiment, the culture, the statesmanship, and the possession of the soil and wealth of the South> Let the history of the past be spread before the eyes of a candid and thoughtful people; let the bulky roll of misgovernment, incompetence, and blind folly be enrolled on the one hand, and then turn to the terrors of the midnight assassin and the lawless deeds which desecrate the sunlight of noontide, walking abroad as a phantom armed with the desperation of the damned!

I maintain the idea that the preservation of our liberties, the consummation of our citizenship, must be conserved and matured, not by standing alone and apart, sullen as the melancholy Dane, but by imbibing all that is American, entering into the life and spirit of our institutions, spreading abroad in sentiment, feeling the full force of the fact that while we are classed as Africans, just as the Germans are classes as Germans, we are in all things American citizens, American freemen. Since we have tried the idea of political unanimity let us now try other ideas, ideas more in consonance with the spirit of our institution. There is no strength in a union that enfeebles. Assimilation, a melting into the corporate body, having no distinction from others, equally the recipients of government— this it is to be the independent man, be his skin tanned by the torrid heat of Africa, or bleached by the eternal snows of the Caucasus. To preach the independence of the colored man is to preach his Americanization. The shackles of slavery have been torn from his limbs by the stern arbitrament of arms; the shackles of political enslavement, of ignorance, and of popular prejudice must be broken on the wheels of ceaseless study and the facility with which he becomes absorbed into the body of the people. To aid himself is his first duty if he believes that he is here to stay, and not a probationer for the land of his forefathers — a land upon which he has no other claim than one of sentiment.

Uncle Sam with a snake in the ballot box

What vital principle affecting our citizenship is championed by the National Republican party of today? Is it fair vote and an honest count? Measure our strength in the South and gaze upon the solitary expression of our citizenship in the alls of the National Legislature. The fair vote which we cast for Rutherford B. Hayes seemed to have incurred the enmity of that chief Executive, and he and his advisers turned the colored voters of the South over to the bloodthirsty minority of that section.

Rutherford B. Hayes

The Republican party has degenerated into an ignoble scramble for place and power. It has forgotten the principles for which Summer contended, and for which Lincoln died. It betrayed the cause for which Douglass, Garrison and others labored, in the blind policy it pursued in the blind policy it pursued in reconstructing the rebellious States. It made slaves freemen and freemen slaves in the same breath by conferring the franchise and withholding the guarantees to insure its exercise; it betrayed its trust in permitting thousands of innocent men to be slaughtered without declaring the South in rebellion, and in pardoning murderers, whom tardy justice had consigned to a felon’s dungeon. It is even now powerless to insure an honest expression of the vote of the colored citizen. For these things, I do not deem it binding upon colored men further to support the Republican party when other more advantageous affiliations can be formed. And what of the Bourbon Democratic party? There has not been, there is not now, nor will there ever be, any good thing in it for the colored man. Bourbon Democracy is a curse to our land. Any party is a curse which arrays itself in opposition to human freedom, to the universal brotherhood of man. No colored man can ever claim truthfully to be a Bourbon Democrat. It is a fundamental impossibility. But he can be an independent, a progressive Democrat.

The hour has arrived when thoughtful colored men should cease to put their faith upon broken straws; when they should cease to be the willing tools of a treacherous and corrupt party; when they should cease to support men and measures which do not benefit them or the race; when they should cease to be duped by one faction and shot by the other. The time has fully arrived when they should have their position in parties more fully defined, and when, by the ballot which they hold, they should force more respect for the rights of life and property.

To do this, they must adjust themselves to the altered condition which surrounds them. They must make for themselves a place to stand. In the politics of the country the colored vote must be made as uncertain a quantity as the German and Irish vote. The color of their skin must cease to be an index to their political creed. They must think less of "the party" and more of themselves; give less heed to a name and more heed to principles.

The black men and white men of the South have a common destiny. Circumstances have brought them together and so interwoven their interests that nothing but a miracle can dissolve the link that binds them. It is, therefore, to their mutual disadvantage that anything but sympathy and good will should prevail. A reign of terror means a stagnation of all the energies of the people and a corruption of the fountains of law and justice.

The colored men of the South must cultivate more cordial relations with the white men of the South. They must, by a wise policy, hasten the day when politics shall cease to be the shibboleth that creates perpetual warfare. The citizen of a State is far more sovereign than the citizen of the United States. The State is real, tangible reality; a think of life and power; while the United States is, purely, an abstraction — a thing that no man has successfully defined, although many, wise in their way and in their own conceit, have philosophized upon it to their own satisfaction. The metaphysical polemics of men learned in the science of republican government, covering volume upon volume of "debates," the legislation of ignoramuses, styled statesmen and the "strict" and "liberal" construction placed upon their work by the judicial magi, together with a long and disastrous rebellion, to the cruel arbitrament of which the question had been, as finally hoped, in the last resort, submitted, have failed, all and each, to define that visionary thing that so-called Federal government, and its just rights and powers. As Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson left it, so it is today, a bone of contention, a red flag in the hands of the political matadors of one party to infuriate those of the other parties.

T. Thomas Fortune

No: it is time that the colored voter learned to leave his powerless "protectors" and take care of himself. Let every one read, listen, think, reform his own ideas of affairs in his own locality; let him be less interested in the continual wars of national politics than in the interests of his own town and county and state; let him make friends of the mammon of unrighteousness of his own neighborhood, so far as to take an intelligent part among his neighbors, white and black, and vote for the men and for the party that will do the best fro him and his race, and best conserve the interest of his vicinity. Let there be no aim of "solidifying" the colored vote; the missing of black means the massing of white by contrast. Individual colored men — and many of them — have done wonders in self-evaluation; but there can be no general elevation of the colored men of the South until they use their voting power in independent local affairs with some discrimination more reasonable that an obstinate clinging to a party name. When the colored voters differ among themselves and are to be found on both sides of local political contests, they will begin to find themselves of some political importance; their votes will be sought, cast, and counted.

And this is the key to the whole situation; let them make themselves a part of the people. It will take time, patience, intelligence, courage; but it can be done: and until it is done their path will lie in darkness and perhaps in blood.


URL: http://www.TeachingAmericanHistory.org/library/index.asp?documentprint=1166

Senator Ben “Pitchfork” Tillman Justifies Violence Against Southern Blacks

“Their Own Hotheadedness”: Senator Benjamin R.“Pitchfork Ben” Tillman Justifies Violence Against Southern Blacks

In this March 23, 1900, speech before the U.S. Senate, Senator Benjamin R. “Pitchfork Ben” Tillman of South Carolina defended the actions of his white constituents who had murdered several black citizens of his home state. Tillman blamed the violence on the “hot-headedness” of Southern blacks and on the misguided efforts of Republicans during the Reconstruction era after the Civil War to “put white necks under black heels.” He also defended violence against black men, claiming that southern whites “will not submit to [the black man] gratifying his lust on our wives and daughters without lynching him”—an evocation of the deeply sexualized racist fantasies of many Southern whites.

. . . And he [Senator John C. Spooner, of Wisconsin] said we had taken their rights away from them. He asked me was it right to murder them in order to carry the elections. I never saw one murdered. I never saw one shot at an election. It was the riots before the elections precipitated by their own hot-headedness in attempting to hold the government, that brought on conflicts between the races and caused the shotgun to be used. That is what I meant by saying we used the shotgun.

I want to call the Senator’s attention to one fact. He said that the Republican party gave the negroes the ballot in order to protect themselves against the indignities and wrongs that were attempted to be heaped upon them by the enactment of the black code. I say it was because the Republicans of that day, led by Thad Stevens, wanted to put white necks under black heels and to get revenge. There is a difference of opinion. You have your opinion about it, and I have mine, and we can never agree.

Demonstrators carry Confederate flags as they leave the South Carolina Statehouse after the removal of flag in Columbia, S.C., July 1, 2000. Photograph: Eric Draper/Associated Press

I want to ask the Senator this proposition in arithmetic: In my State there were 135,000 negro voters, or negroes of voting age, and some 90,000 or 95,000 white voters. General Canby set up a carpetbag government there and turned our State over to this majority. Now, I want to ask you, with a free vote and a fair count, how are you going to beat 135,000 by 95,000? How are you going to do it? You had set us an impossible task. You had handcuffed us and thrown away the key, and you propped your carpetbag negro government with bayonets. Whenever it was necessary to sustain the government you held it up by the Army.

Mr. President, I have not the facts and figures here, but I want the country to get the full view of the Southern side of this question and the justification for anything we did. We were sorry we had the necessity forced upon us, but we could not help it, and as white men we are not sorry for it, and we do not propose to apologize for anything we have done in connection with it. We took the government away from them in 1876. We did take it. If no other Senator has come here previous to this time who would acknowledge it, more is the pity. We have had no fraud in our elections in South Carolina since 1884. There has been no organized Republican party in the State.

We did not disfranchise the negroes until 1895. Then we had a constitutional convention convened which took the matter up calmly, deliberately, and avowedly with the purpose of disfranchising as many of them as we could under the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. We adopted the educational qualification as the only means left to us, and the negro is as contented and as prosperous and as well protected in South Carolina to-day as in any State of the Union south of the Potomac. He is not meddling with politics, for he found that the more he meddled with them the worse off he got. As to his “rights”—I will not discuss them now. We of the South have never recognized the right of the negro to govern white men, and we never will. We have never believed him to be equal to the white man, and we will not submit to his gratifying his lust on our wives and daughters without lynching him. I would to God the last one of them was in Africa and that none of them had ever been brought to our shores. But I will not pursue the subject further.

I want to ask permission in this connection to print a speech which I made in the constitutional convention of South Carolina when it convened in 1895, in which the whole carpetbag regime and the indignities and wrongs heaped upon our people, the robberies which we suffered, and all the facts and figures there brought out are incorporated, and let the whole of the facts go to the country. I am not ashamed to have those facts go to the country. They are our justification for the present situation in our State. If I can get it, I should like that permission; otherwise I shall be forced to bring that speech here and read it when I can put my hand on it. I will then leave this matter and let the dead past bury its dead.

Source: "Speech of Senator Benjamin R. Tillman, March 23, 1900," Congressional Record, 56th Congress, 1st Session, 3223–3224. Reprinted in Richard Purday, ed.,Document Sets for the South in U. S. History (Lexington, MA.: D.C. Heath and Company, 1991), 147.